This is a translation and updated version by Mena B. Lafkioui of her original article in Dutch, which can be read here. A Danish translation is available here.
Language is central to the Amazigh claim. Through language, the Imazighen are able to understand and fully appreciate their millennia-old and richly layered linguistic and cultural heritage. At the same time, language functions as a crucial symbol and instrument of power. If the Imazighen wish to preserve and further develop their Amazighness or Tamuzgha – that is, their transnational collective Amazigh identity – then speaking and writing in Tamazight is indispensable.
The vast majority of today’s North African population descends from the Imazighen, the original inhabitants of the region. Tamazgha, as the Imazighen call North Africa, stretched in antiquity from the Canary Islands to Egypt and from the Mediterranean Sea to the Sahel. Under Roman rule, this immense territory was divided into three main regions: Mauretania (the western part), Numidia (the central region), and Libya (the eastern part).
Tamazight constitutes the indigenous language family of North Africa. It encompasses some forty languages and their local varieties, which together form one branch of the broader Afro-Asiatic language family – a family that also includes Ancient Egyptian, Chadic, Cushitic, Omotic, and Semitic.
The term Tamazight refers to any of the Tamazight languages. For instance, it designates both the language of the Tuareg from the Ahaggar region in southern Algeria, where the local variety Tamahaq is spoken, and that of the Kabyles in northern Algeria, who today use Taqbaylit or Kabyle. The distribution of Tamazight languages across North Africa takes the form of a continuum, which makes it difficult to sharply distinguish one language from another. Each linguistic variety gradually transitions into the next, without clearly demarcated boundaries. Mutual intelligibility is therefore most likely between geographically adjacent languages or between varieties of the same type; otherwise, education or long-term contact is needed to achieve full understanding and fluency.
There are approximately forty million speakers of Tamazight languages, around six million of whom live in the diaspora. The largest number of Tamazight speakers is found in Morocco, where estimates range from thirty to seventy percent of the total population, depending on how linguistic competence is defined.
Oral and Written Culture
Tamazight is renowned for its oral culture, with its diverse and refined literary forms and genres such as the poetic izli, asefru, and amarg. Traditionally, Tamazight oral literature has been held in high esteem. Certain genres are reserved exclusively for significant sociocultural rituals and ceremonies; for example, for wedding celebrations. Among the Imazighen, the spoken word has always enjoyed greater prestige than the written word; it serves as the sociocultural standard and measure of refinement.
This reverence for orality has likely contributed to the disappearance of Tifinagh writing in the more northern regions of Tamazgha. Today, the oral culture of Tamazight is largely transmitted through popular and commercial song, while its ceremonial dimension is increasingly fading into the background. This shift appears to be one of the consequences of globalization, in which the written word and the image now dominate the symbolic order.
What is less well known, however, is that the Imazighen also possess a millennia-old and highly developed written culture. This tradition manifests in three distinct systems, each based on a different script: the indigenous Libyan script and its descendant Tifinagh, the Arabic alphabet, and the Latin alphabet.
The tradition based on the Libyan script is the oldest, dating back – according to available sources such as those found at Azib n’Ikkis in the High Atlas of southern Morocco – to at least the fifth to tenth centuries BCE. The most famous Libyan inscriptions date from the third century BCE to the third century CE. Yet an unimaginable wealth of archaeological material still awaits discovery and study, before time and human neglect erase it forever.
From the Libyan script, which shows certain affinities with Phoenician (though not necessarily derived from it), Tifinagh emerged (see Figure 1).
The Tuareg further developed and preserved this script, using it to this day. The Tifinagh writing tradition is thus very ancient. Within Tuareg society, it fulfils essential sociocultural functions, playing a vital role in everyday life. It is used not only for public and practical purposes – such as administration and education – but also for deeply personal matters, including love letters (see Figure 2).
There also exists a long tradition of Tamazight texts written in the Arabic script. Indeed, a rich corpus of Tamazight writings has survived in adapted forms of the Arabic alphabet known collectively as the ‘Maghribi’ script. A striking example is Ibn Tunert’s Arabic-Tamazight dictionary, dating from the twelfth century, written in a northern variety of Tamazight. Old manuscripts in Eastern Tamazight primarily address religious and cultural themes within the Ibadi Islamic tradition, commonly associated with Kharijism, a branch of Islam. Another important collection of early Tamazight manuscripts originates from the literary tradition of the Sous region in southern Morocco, written in Tashelhit. Many of these texts are in verse form. The oldest known example is Baḥr al-Dumūʿ (‘Ocean of Tears’) by the author Muhammad Awzal – a masterpiece of Tamazight literary art.
A somewhat more recent written tradition consists of Tamazight texts in the Latin alphabet, which largely date back to the period of Western colonization, from the late eighteenth century onward. Many of these works are descriptive – ethnographic or pedagogical in nature – though poetic compositions are also numerous. Some were written directly in Tamazight; others, in French, were produced by authors of Amazigh origin, such as Boulifa, who as early as 1904 published collections of Kabyle poetry (northern Algeria).
Written Tamazight literature continues to develop steadily today, drawing primarily on Tifinagh and the Latin alphabet. Digital media have played a crucial role in its promotion. A Tamazight literary canon – comparable to those of Western traditions – is currently taking shape. One can only hope that the emergence of this written canon will not come at the expense of Tamazight’s highly sophisticated oral literature. For Tamazight, as both language and culture, has the most to gain from cultivating and advancing both the spoken and the written word.
Shift from Orality to Literacy
Over the past two decades, the technological revolution has triggered a rapid and far-reaching transformation among the Imazighen; a shift from a predominantly oral to an increasingly written culture. Through digital communication, many political minorities, including the Imazighen, have acquired a vital platform for preserving and developing their linguistic and cultural heritage.
The recent official recognition of Tamazight in certain North African countries – specifically Morocco and Algeria – has contributed to this shift, at least in terms of public image and symbolic visibility (see Figure 3). However, in matters of linguistic standardization and promotion, these governments have fulfilled few of their promises. Their official language institutions, such as the Institut Royal de la Culture Amazighe (IRCAM) in Morocco and the Haut Commissariat à l’Amazighité (HCA) in Algeria, have achieved only limited progress.
Nevertheless, the official status granted to Tamazight in Morocco has encouraged the revival of Tifinagh writing in the region. A simplified version of the script, known as ‘Neo-Tifinagh’, was introduced into Morocco’s formal primary education system in 2003. Yet this innovation has not been without persistent complications, particularly in the realms of standardization and pedagogy.
Moreover, the fragmentation of Tamazight into numerous languages and local varieties complicates efforts at linguistic standardization and educational implementation. While local varieties remain vibrant in oral communication, the lack of a unified literacy standard hinders the development of widely accessible educational materials, media, and literature. This situation underscores the paradox of Tamazight: it is both remarkably resilient and deeply vulnerable.
Between heritage and decline
Despite its ancient roots and the remarkable resilience of its oral and written traditions, Tamazight remains under persistent threat. Political, social, and educational marginalization have contributed to a situation in which Tamazight languages are often relegated to private, informal, or symbolic domains.
In most regions of North Africa, Tamazight has been historically overshadowed by the dominance of Arabic and, to a lesser extent, French. Arabic, as the language of religion, state, and high culture, has long functioned as an instrument of socio-political power. French, introduced during colonial rule, continues to serve as a marker of modernity, education, and socioeconomic opportunity. Against this backdrop, Tamazight often occupies a marginal position, associated with rurality, tradition, or even backwardness.
A striking decline in the use of Tamazight is observable throughout North Africa and its diaspora. This trend persists even in regions with the highest concentration of Tamazight speakers, such as southern Morocco, where Tashelhit predominates. In addition to Arabic, Tamazight now contends with another formidable sociolinguistic rival: Darija – or its regional variants, often referred to collectively as Maghrebi Arabic – a local lingua franca that has evolved with Tamazight as its substrate. This process is undergirded by deep-seated structural socio-political dynamics, most notably the enduring and institutionalized Arabization of the region.
At the time of independence and the formation of the new nation-states, the Imazighen were excluded from all decision-making and institutional authority. Classical Arabic was proclaimed the sole national and official language, and an institutional program of Arabization was implemented. Exceptions existed in Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, where, in the context of Pan-Africanism, Tuareg languages were recognized as national languages. To this day, these measures have ensured the maintenance and dissemination of Arabic as the official language, with Islam serving as the ideological justification.
Marginalization and instrumentalization
Despite the official recognition of Tamazight in Morocco in 2011 and in Algeria in 2016, there has been no significant progress in securing the Imazighen’s claim to linguistic and cultural rights, neither in these countries nor elsewhere in North Africa. On the contrary, the apprehension of many Amazigh activists that official recognition would largely remain symbolic appears justified. Promises made have not been fulfilled, and policy has, in some respects, even hardened, particularly regarding language politics. The implementation of the so-called Amazigh project in Morocco and Algeria has long stalled, a stagnation that is especially evident in the educational sector.
Consider the case of Morocco as an example, where it was pledged that the teaching of Tamazight, initiated in 2003, would be expanded annually so that by 2010 it would be taught at all educational levels nationwide, from primary school to university. In reality, however, instruction has not progressed beyond the primary school level. Moreover, the quality of education remains substandard, due in part to the lack of adequately trained teachers and proper pedagogical materials. This situation reflects both the specific policy approach toward Tamazight and the broader problematic state of the Moroccan educational system.
The current state of affairs in North Africa and its diaspora starkly reveals the extent to which Tamazight and its associated activism have been strategically instrumentalized since its formal recognition as a “national” and, later, an “official” language beginning in the 1990s. Rather than reflecting a genuine commitment to linguistic and cultural preservation, this recognition has often functioned as a tool of political and economic expediency. The practical implementation of Tamazight remains fragmented and largely superficial, serving the interests of state authority and broader socio-political agendas while subordinating the language’s intrinsic cultural and communicative value to instrumental purposes.
The consequences of such marginalization and instrumentalization are profound. In many communities, parents encourage their children to prioritize Arabic or French over Tamazight, perceiving these languages as gateways to social mobility and professional advancement. The intergenerational transmission of Tamazight is therefore under pressure, especially in urban centres and diasporic contexts.
The marginalization of the Amazigh peoples extends beyond language, encompassing social, political, and economic spheres. Historically excluded from centres of power, the Imazighen face persistent inequalities in education, employment, and public services. Geographic and social isolation, coupled with limited infrastructure and investment, reinforces their peripheral status, cumulatively shaping life opportunities, social mobility, and cultural self-perception.
Tamazight, as both language and culture, faces severe endangerment through systematic suppression by North African states since independence. Key strategies include promoting Arabic via Islam – with imams specifically trained for this purpose – and socio-economic marginalization that excludes non-Arabic speakers from education, administration, and finance. Forced sedentarization of nomadic populations, neglect or destruction of Amazigh archaeological sites, and the fragmentation of historic regions further entrench Arabization. Collectively, these measures have driven many Imazighen toward migration or assimilation.
Education, in particular, has historically functioned as a vehicle of assimilation rather than empowerment. For decades, schooling in Arabic or French implicitly devalued Tamazight language and identity. Children grew up learning to navigate dominant linguistic and cultural norms, often at the cost of their native heritage. Even when Tamazight is introduced in schools today, the historical legacy of exclusion continues to influence attitudes toward the language and its social legitimacy.
Cultural marginalization is intertwined with political invisibility. The Imazighen have long struggled to assert collective demands within national political frameworks (see Figure 4). While recent recognition of Tamazight represents symbolic progress, substantive empowerment remains limited. True inclusion would require not only linguistic recognition but also meaningful participation in policymaking, economic development, and cultural production.
This multidimensional marginalization and instrumentalization underscores the centrality of Tamazight as both a marker of identity and a site of struggle. Protecting and revitalizing the language is inseparable from addressing broader patterns of social and political inequity.
Amazighness – Tamuzgha
During the formation of independent nation-states in the twentieth century, many Imazighen not only adopted Arabic as their primary language but also embraced an Arab-Islamic identity. Consequently, numerous North Africans today consider themselves Arab, despite Amazigh origins. The Arabization process, initially gradual, accelerated after independence as it became central to state policy – a contrast to other parts of the Islamic world, where conversion to Islam or adoption of Arabic rarely entailed the abandonment of endogenous languages or identities. For example, Persian language and culture retained a central place in Iran despite the rise of Shi’a Islam.
In North Africa, language has become synonymous with identity: only speakers of a Tamazight language are regarded as Amazigh. This explains why Amazigh activism is fundamentally tied to the recognition and promotion of Tamazight, which has emerged as the quintessential symbol of Amazigh identity, reflecting deep interconnections between language, power, and territory. The Imazighen have long understood and leveraged this connection, for instance in administration and the establishment of prominent Andalusian dynasties such as the Almoravids and Almohads.
In the diaspora, however, Amazigh identity is sometimes less closely linked to Tamazight, particularly among youth who lack proficiency in the language and inhabit highly diverse sociocultural environments shaped by migration. Among these young people, Amazigh identity is often expressed through symbolic markers such as names referencing historical figures like Yughurta or Dihiya, the use of the Amazigh ⵣ (“Z”) emblem, or the international Amazigh flag (see Figure 4).
Yet language remains central to the Amazigh claim, as mastery and use of Tamazight – across all its forms – enable the Imazighen to assert and sustain their identity, ensuring its continuity across North Africa and the global diaspora. Tamazight lies at the heart of ‘Amazighness’ or ‘Tamuzgha’, epitomizing the essence of Amazigh collective identity. For the Imazighen, speaking and preserving Tamazight is not merely a matter of communication; it is a profound affirmation of belonging, heritage, and cultural memory. Tamazight embodies centuries of history, social norms, and collective experience, making it an indispensable vehicle for transmitting both knowledge and values.
Tamuzgha is fundamentally transnational, spanning North Africa and the diaspora. It is defined not solely by geography but by a shared linguistic, cultural, and historical consciousness. The maintenance and promotion of Tamazight, therefore, serve as instruments of cultural cohesion, connecting dispersed communities through common traditions, narratives, and forms of expression.
At the same time, identity is not static. It is continuously negotiated, redefined, and articulated in response to changing political, social, and technological contexts. The rise of digital media, the expansion of literacy, and increasing recognition of Amazigh rights have all provided new platforms for expressing and shaping Tamuzgha. Social networks, blogs, and online publications have allowed the Imazighen to assert their presence, share knowledge, and engage in cultural production on an unprecedented scale.
Ultimately, the struggle for Tamazight is inseparable from the struggle for identity. To preserve the language is to preserve a worldview, a history, and a sense of belonging that has withstood centuries of marginalization. It is a claim to visibility, dignity, and agency – a refusal to let the richness of Tamazight culture fade into silence.
Want to know more?
Lafkioui Mena B., 2024. Pluricentricity, iconisation, and instrumentalisation of language in North Africa and its diaspora. In: M. Huber & B. Meisnitzer (éds.), Pluricentric languages in Africa. Multilingualism and Linguistic Dehegemonisation in Africa and Around the World, PCL-Press, Graz, 15-38.
Lafkioui Mena B., 2022.Tamazight. Taal, macht en identiteit. ZemZem – Tijdschrift over het Midden-Oosten, Noord-Afrika en islam, 1: 81-89.
Lafkioui Mena B., 2018. Berber languages and linguistics. Oxford Bibliographies. DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199772810-0219.
Lafkioui Mena B., 2013. Multilingualism, Multimodality and Identity Construction on French-Based Amazigh (Berber) Websites, Revue Française de Linguistique Appliquée, XVIII-2: 135-151.
Lafkioui Mena B., 2008. Identity construction through bilingual Amazigh-Dutch “digital” discourse. In: Mena B. Lafkioui & Vermondo Brugnatelli (eds), Berber in contact: linguistic and sociolinguistic perspectives, Köln, Rüdiger Köppe Verlag, 217-231.
Lafkioui Mena B., 2008. Reconstructing Orality on Amazigh Websites. In: Mena B. Lafkioui & Daniela Merolla (eds), Oralité et nouvelles dimensions de l’oralité. Intersections théoriques et comparaisons des matériaux dans les études africaines, Paris, Publications Langues’O, 111-125.
These publications and more are freely downloadable here:
https://menablafkioui.wordpress.com/ & https://ehess.academia.edu/MenaLafkioui
Mena B. Lafkioui is both Full Professor of Linguistics and Sociolinguistics at the Ecole des hautes études en sciences sociales in Paris, where she holds the Chair of Tamazight linguistics, and Research Director at Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. She is specialized in Afroasiatics, with a focus on North Africa.
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